In Gisenyi, a dilemma confronts many of the individuals caught up in the escalating conflict in eastern Congo. They are forced to make a difficult decision: either seek refuge within Congo’s borders and rely on a disorganized and feeble army for protection or cross over into neighboring Rwanda, a country accused of supporting the rebels.
The recent unhindered progress of the rebels, culminating in the capture of Goma, the largest city in the region, has spotlighted the incompetence of Congolese forces and their allies in safeguarding civilians. This resurgence of conflict, located nearly 1,000 miles away from Congo’s capital and in close proximity to Rwanda, raises serious concerns.
The dire situation has left individuals like Imani Zawadi, who escaped to Rwanda from a village near Goma, in a precarious position. Zawadi expressed the predicament faced by many, torn between relying on a suspicious foreign force or a debilitated and corrupt national army, leaving them with a profound sense of mistrust and uncertainty.
Her fears encapsulated those of many Congolese uprooted by the M23 rebels’ violence over the years. Already. more than 1,200 Congolese — including some surrendering soldiers — have sought refuge in Rwanda since the rebels marched into Goma, closing the airport and overwhelming hospitals with casualties.
This time, there are concerns that the M23 will hold Goma as a sort of buffer zone as Rwanda essentially redraws the border with its vastly bigger neighbor in a region estimated to have trillions of dollars in largely untapped mineral wealth like cobalt and gold. Rebel leaders say they plan to set up an administration in the city.
The rebels have claimed multiple victories at the expense of a larger Congolese army that has the support of a 14,000-strong U.N. peacekeeping force as well as troops from African countries deployed under a regional bloc. There are even Romanian military contractors that Rwandan authorities describe as mercenaries and say number around 200.
One of the Romanians knelt on the ground, hands behind his head, as rebels sought to usher him and others toward the border crossing.
The rebel advance shatters a 2024 ceasefire and echoes the M23’s capture of Goma over a decade ago, which didn’t last long as the international community pressured Rwanda to back off.
Rwanda, which has long denied supporting the M23 despite evidence collected by United Nations experts, says it wants to protect ethnic Tutsis in Congo — even as rebel commanders stand accused of exploiting minerals and other natural resources in areas they control. U.N. experts estimate there are up to 4,000 Rwandan forces in Congo.
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame, who has led the country’s recovery from its 1994 genocide that killed some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus, told diplomats at a luncheon this month in Kigali that his concerns about the perceived threat in Congo remain strong.
“The very people who murdered people here in Rwanda, those who carried out the genocide, still exist, are still armed, are still practicing the ideology of genocide in our neighborhood, in eastern Congo,” Kagame said on Jan. 16. “Supported by government, supported by leaders in that place, on the watch of this international community that talks about values, that talks about interests.”
Kagame has said the question of how to protect Congolese Tutsis is one of two that Congo’s leaders must answer in any negotiations with the M23, along with Rwanda’s fears that other rebel groups among the dozens active in eastern Congo pose a security risk.
Rwandan authorities assert that a rebel group known by its acronym FDLR, whose members include alleged perpetrators of the genocide, “is fully integrated into” the Congolese military, which denies the charges.
Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi has previously ruled out direct negotiations with M23, and peace talks leading to last year’s ceasefire were between Congo and Rwanda, with Angola mediating. But the seizure of Goma, which sparked violent demonstrations in the capital, Kinshasa, as locals protested what they called the international community’s inaction, could force his hand.
Kagame’s strong stance on policing eastern Congo has led some pro-Kagame intellectuals in the region to suggest that Rwandan authority over the region would be a better outcome for civilians.
Some of those civilians fleeing into Rwanda felt otherwise.
“The truth is that Rwanda is trying to take our territory, but this will not be possible no matter how long it takes,” said one, Rose Clemency.
The electrical engineer acknowledged that “of course our army is weak, and we do blame the government for not empowering the army to defend our territory against Rwandan soldiers.” But she said Congolese believe that the “intruders” must be chased out before assigning blame.
“Even in exile, we shall not accept to impose M23 on us,” she added.
Rwanda’s national broadcaster released footage of border authorities and soldiers appearing to treat the fleeing Congolese with dignity. But some Congolese told The Associated Press they hated having to seek shelter in Rwanda and had no choice.
As the United States and others call for a ceasefire in the region, humanitarian concerns grow as more people flee once more.
Goma was already home to thousands of people who had fled years of war as rebel groups jostled for control of the region’s mineral wealth. In the three weeks leading to the city’s capture, the fighting with the M23 displaced about 400,000 people, according to the U.N.
Now the future of Goma, long the region’s hub for crucial humanitarian assistance for millions, is in doubt, and the U.N. says many people have “no safe space to go.”
“We are just hostages” of the rebels, said Anzimana Semena, who fled into Rwanda with his three sons and was being processed in Gisenyi, a town across the border.
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Muhumuza contributed from Kampala, Uganda.
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